First the facts, then the debate in a [music] format you've never seen before. Scott Galloway and Ben Shapiro face off with USA Facts founder [music] Steve Balmer presenting the data that frames
each round, moderated by PBS NewsHour's Jeff Bennett, beginning now. Welcome to the first Just the Facts debate hosted by USA Facts. I'm Steve Balmer. I founded USA Facts to make sense of
government data and present it to the American people. In this our first debate, before each round of questions, we'll be doing something completely different. The [snorts] debate will take
place there and I'll be here at the fact desk teeing up each topic with relevant government data and meaningful context without any partisan agenda. Even though our participants have different opinions
and points of view, they have both agreed to a common set of underlying facts. Our goal, a debate anchored in facts on issues that matter to your life. Our theme, the American dream at
250 years. The debate moderator is Jeff Bennett, co-anchor and co-managing editor of the PBS NewsHour, an award-winning journalist who has covered six presidential elections and now the
first ever USA debate. Take it away, Jeff. Thank you, Steve. It is a real pleasure to be here and to moderate the first ever USA Facts debate. So, let's get right to it and
introduce our debaters. Ben Shapiro is host of one of the world's most listened to political podcasts, a best-selling author, and one of the most influential conservative voices of his generation.
And Ben, you've also been known to enjoy a good argument from >> on occasion. And Scott Galloway is an entrepreneur, best-selling author, podcast host, and professor of marketing
at NYU, known for his provocative datadriven takes on business, technology, and the economy. And Scott, you've just been appointed to the University of California Board of
Regents. So, congratulations. >> Thanks for that. >> All right, gentlemen. Let's get right to it. Our topic, the American dream at 250. And of course, we start with the
facts. So, back over to the fact desk. Thanks, Jeff. The American dream at 250. First, whose dream? America's population is changing, and each of us has our own definition of the American dream. Let's
start by looking at the share of population by age. Notice the one big change. The share of people 65 and older has grown dramatically from about 11% of the population in 1980 to just under 19%
in 2025. And the makeup of households has changed. Since 1960, married parent households have declined from 44% of the total to just 17%. And single person
households with no kids in them have risen from 13% to 29%. Our population is still growing each year, but less so. We still have more births than deaths, so-called natural
population change, but fewer than we used to in the 2000s. And we have more new immigrants arriving per year on average. Finally, a big part of the American dream is the belief that every
kid has the opportunity to move up, to be in the top income earners. What's actually going on? This slide looks at those born from 1978 to 1983 and divides them into groups
based on their parents' income level. The methodology on this slide is complex, so I'll cut to the chase. For those whose parents were in the bottom 20% of income earners, 7% made it into
the top in their 30s. If every kid had the same opportunity, this would be 20%. If their parents were in the middle 20%, 17% made it to the top. If they were born into the top 20%, 39% stayed there.
The bottom line, our country is changing, and the American dream can mean different things to different people. Old and young, married and single, kids and adults, nativeborn
people and immigrants. Let's hear what it means to Ben and Scott. Back to you, Jeff. Thank you, Steve. So, first a quick word on the format for this opening and for each of the three
questions that follow. You'll each have one minute for an initial response and then we'll open it up for a free flowing exchange. So, those are the rules you both agree to and I'll step in as needed
to keep us to the format and make sure you each have a fair chance to make your case. So, Ben, first to you, one minute on the American dream at 250. So I I think that the first thing to understand
about the American dream is that the American dream is not a set of outcomes. It is not a house or two kids or a picket fence. The American dream is a process. The idea is that if you engage
in that process, you will be better off than your parents did. And then your kids will be better off than you were. And that process continues a pace in the United States. The the American dream is
not that you are going to in one generation or in 10 years be able to go from poverty to tremendous wealth. It's again an incremental process. And the question is how well we are doing in
allowing people to pursue those dreams and do so in accordance with good decision-making. There is supposed to be a correlation between the dutiful virtuous decisions that we make, the
hard work that we do and the outcomes of those decisions. Now that doesn't mean it's going to solve every problem for every person. That process doesn't solve problems for people who in some cases
have been less privileged in their youth or people who face certain health obstacles or people who make bad decisions. And maybe in some of those circumstances, you do need government to
step in and help people. But that really is a different question than the question of the American dream. And when we conflate those questions, we end up with bad policy undermining the
relationship between cause and effect. That is the very basis for that fundamental American dream. Again, the idea that if you make good, responsible decisions, you will do better than your
parents and your parents will do and your kids will do better than you did. Scott, your response. >> So, if you were to try to distill it down to one thing, I think the American
dream is that you will do better than your parents, as you said. And I'll use myself as an example. raised by a single immigrant mother lived and died as secretary. U but I've got I mean the
reality is America used to love the unremarkable. I got assisted lunch PEL grants applied to UCLA when it had a 74% admissions rate now it has a 9% admissions rate. I came into the
unbelievable economy of the '9s where because of the investments in technology by middle class families and things like GPS and DARPA I got to start great internet companies. uh immigrants built
most of my companies. And all of those things, whether it's uh transfers, SNAP payments, Pell grants, uh the ability to attract the best and brightest from around the world to help you build those
companies. All of those things are under attack. And for the first time in our history, a 30-year-old is not doing as well as his or her parents were at 30, which to me says that government
policies uh quite frankly have eroded the American dream. >> And that is one minute. So let's start here. According to the data that Steve presented, as you both noted, kids born
poor rarely reach the top of the income ladder, while kids born rich mostly stay there. Ben, is that evidence of opportunity being hoarded or simply how mobility works in a market economy?
>> Well, I mean, to a certain extent, it's opportunity being hoarded, and to a large extent, it is just how things work in a market economy. Meaning that again, the goal isn't necessarily that you are
going to be in the top tier if your parents were in the bottom tier. I I don't know actually very many people for whom that is true. For my own family, if you have to go back four generations,
when my great great when my great-randparents got here, great great grandparents got here at the early 20th century, they had nothing. They didn't speak English. And then their kids did
better than they did. My my parents did better than my grandparents. But we grew up, you know, very middle lower middle class in Burbank, California. We had a great life, but it was a, you know, 1100
foot small house, six kids, six six people, four kids in in essentially a one bed, onebedroom, you know, one bathroom place. And you know now, thank God we I do a lot better than my parents
did. It is an intergenerational process. And I think the impatience that that has now become part of the way that we see how the American dream should work that you should be able to go from poverty to
great wealth in one gener. And if that's not happening, then the system has somehow failed. I think that there are some outsized expectations. That doesn't mean the system is working ideally or
that we can't remove obstacles to success. The question I think that we're going to be arguing a lot about today is exactly what the obstacles are and how do we remove them. Are those obstacles
being provided by markets, by private actors, or are those obstacles being created by perverse government incentives that actually are creating obstacles, creating systemic barriers to
that relationship between cause and effect? >> Scott, how do you see it? >> Well, uh, the data that you distributed, it looks like about 37% of people in the
upper quintile stay there and only about 7.4% in the lowest quintile manage to get forward. Now, there's some argument about whether that's gone down or whether it's flat, but when you have
registered the type of prosperity that America has registered over the last four decades, you'd like to think that income mobility has gone up. And while we like to think we're a meritocracy,
the data says something different. And that is if the race to economic security is a marathon, the smartest thing you can do is be born to rich parents. There's just some people starting the
marathon at the 20 mile mark. And we do have affirmative action that lifts off people, but the people we decide deserve affirmative action are people who were born a really long time ago. We'll talk
a lot about transfer payments, but the biggest increase in transfer payments, quite frankly, and the core of the problem here is that we have decided to transfer opportunity and capital from
the entrance to the incumbents, from the young to the old. And we have weaponized government. It's not about, in my opinion, taxation. is about the misallocation of those taxes.
>> Scott and Benner, thanks to you both. That's a lot to dive into. So, let's turn now to the first question. Is government or capitalism better serving the American dream? First, over to the
fact desk for a quick briefing. Thanks, Jeff. This is a big topic. Before diving in, I have a quick sidebar on how we make sense of Americans financial situations.
Ultimately, we need to look at what families have available to spend. their disposable income and that includes their income and also what government provides in assistance and takes away in
taxes. We're going to talk a lot about families which includes people who live alone. We're going to group these families by income. The top 1% in income, the next 19% and then the rest
of families into groups of 20% by income. And we separate the elderly into their own category. So for example, the middle 20% of families have an income range of $45,000 to $87,000
and an average income of $65,000. The elderly just over $88,000 in market income on average. This slide tells us a lot about today's American dream. Let me break it down.
The data compares the year 2000 to 2023. That's the most recent year we have complete data. The numbers are all adjusted for inflation. The first column shows the groups. Next is market income.
That includes wages, business income, investment income, and retirement income. and includes earnings from everyone in the family. Market income increased for the top 40% of families
was relatively stagnant for the middle 20%. You can think of that if you will as the middle class and declined for the bottom 40% especially the lowest earning
families. For families where the head of household is 65 years older, income increased slightly. Next, let's look at government transfers. Programs like social
security, Medicare, Medicaid, and other health programs, nutrition, housing, and income assistance. Income assistance includes things like the earned income tax credit and unemployment insurance
and all the other government benefits. Those government transfers per family increased across every group in dollar amounts. They had the biggest impact on the lowest earners and the elderly
received the most in total. The next column shows changes in how much families pay in federal income tax, payroll tax, and state and local taxes. The higher earners are paying more than
they were in 2000. The lower earners are paying less. Finally, the last column, disposable income. Here's the key takeaway. Every group ends up with higher disposable income in 2023.
and government transfers and changing tax burdens play a key role in their financial picture. Now, let's look at wages. This chart shows wages by low, median, and highpaying jobs for someone
working full-time over a full year. Lower wage jobs saw the largest gain with wages increasing 15% from 2001 to 2025. Again, adjusted for inflation. The
medium wage jobs and highest wage jobs saw four and 5% increases. Now, let's look at taxes. This compares the share of income earned to the share of federal income taxes
paid by different groups. The top 1% earns 21% of all income and pays 38% of taxes. And if you add them up, the 20% of highest earners earn 63% of income and pay 83% of taxes. The
lowest 50% earns 12% of total income and pays 3% of taxes. Now remember this is just federal income taxes in this case. Does not include state and local taxes or any payroll taxes. That's a quick
economic overview. Plenty to debate. Jeff, thank you Steve. Okay, Scott, you're up first this time. One minute. Is government or capitalism better serving the American dream?
>> I think they both work, but unfortunately I think they've been captured by the incumbents. Over the last 40 years, we've increased payments to people over the age of 65 by about
four to$600 billion a year. And we've increased payments or transfers to children by 20 billion. We're now spending more money on ICE than uh we're spending on children. So if your budget
is a value system, do we really is our values that we're more worried about the undocumented worker at a car wash or taking care of your mom than we are about creating a permanent underclass?
And I would push back on some of the data that's that uh Stephen was reading about the 1% pay 52% of the taxes in New York. We hear that a lot. But here's the reality. The the problem is with the
world paid taxes. The last five five of the last seven years I've paid no taxes because this is what rich people do. They invest in stocks and assets that go tax deferred and they never recognize a
capital event. They borrow against those assets. They put them in a trust where they're marked up. So yeah, when taxes are paid, the wealthy pay a lot. But the reality is a lot of the wealthy are
paying no taxes. And that is one minute. Ben, your response. >> I mean, I'll start with the idea that government and capitalism ought not be in in conflict. The basic idea of
capitalism is simply that you have private property rights. That you should be able to freely trade, alienate, rent. That that is all private property and free markets mean. And we are all best
served when we actually have those rights. Government is designed to protect those rights. I mean, this is the founding promise. Now obviously government can do other things.
Government can provide for for those who fall between the cracks I was discussing earlier. The problem becomes when government gets into the business of distorting free markets so badly that
you end up with the worst of both worlds. And I think that in some areas of American life, housing, I say college education, you've ended up with with in some cases the worst of both worlds
where a sort of cronyistic structure has emerged and that cronyistic structure has actually exacerbated many of the problems that we see with for example affordability. As far as the tax burden,
I mean, it is true obviously that that people who are wealthy can, you know, withhold their their gains until time is time to cash in. It's also true that a lot of that money, you know, for for me,
I'll take that that that was earned money that I then invested. So, I paid an income tax on it and then I invested it and until I withdraw that money, I won't pay taxes on it, but I did pay tax
on one time. And I can promise you that the amount of tax that I'm paying this year is a hell of a lot higher than when I was earning a lot less money. So Scott, what does Ben get wrong when he
says the answer is more economic freedom, more personal responsibility, not necessarily more government? >> So I think where there's some common ground around where uh we probably look
spending $7 trillion on 5 trillion in receipts is nothing but deferred taxes on on the young the deficit. Do we need to raise taxes or cut spending? The answer is yes. And it's time for a
responsible conversation. The way I think of it is there's a metaphor. Is it capitalism when it works is a horse, a thoroughbred that you want to run that's amazing,
most impressive animal ever invented that leverages self-interest. Government is the jockey or the rider. The far left wants to shoot the horse. And the far right thinks that horses can read maps
on their own and that the middle class is some self- occurring organism. the middle class, which is the greatest innovation in history. It's not GPS, it's not vaccines, it's the American
middle class. But it requires the myth on the right is that it's a self- occurring organism. It requires constant reinvestment. Otherwise, we turn back to the way the most of history has been for
most countries and that is a small group of very talented or very fortunate people weaponize government and create regulatory capture. And we're seeing it in the US now. The tax code has gone
from 400 pages to 4,000. And those incremental 3600 page pages are there to screw the middle class. You now have essentially a tax system which is if you can navigate by starlight and afford
people to navigate the complex tax code. You want to run your races at night. The lower middle class are paying their fair share. the the highest income earners have such complicated taxes that they in
fact take advantage of the greatest tax cut in history and that is the neutering of the IRS and no longer have the resources to collect what is a $750 billion a year tax gap. So what is the
government? The government has become essentially an agency for the transfer of wealth from the young to the old and I would argue from the lower and middle class households to the wealthy. I want
to drill down on one point you made this idea that the middle class is not a self-occurring phenomenon that it requires tending it requires maintenance by the government to which you would say
what I would say that that is an area of significant disagreement. I do not think that the middle class has to be upheld by an artificial barrier or artificial regulatory structure created by the
government. Many of the things that that Scott is characterizing as weaponizations of government I would characterize as inherent to the bureaucratic process of government. Once
government grows large enough. Once you have a giant grab baggage of control and cash, then it just becomes a question of who controls the DUT and who controls the cash. And so part of the problem
with growth of government inherently is that there will be a competition to then rewrite all the rules on behalf of a few. And that's not something that I would consider free market in the first
place. I would blame the jockey, not blame the horse in your in your metaphor for for that particular problem. When you talk about the fair share that's being paid, the truth is that in terms
of net taxes, meaning taxes, net of benefits, the people who are at the the lower end of the income spectrum because of the vast amount of redistribution in in our system, are are drawing far more
from the system than they're paying in in taxes. And the people at the top end of the system are paying far more in taxes than they're drawing from the system. Now, you can argue they're
indirect subsidies in the form of government interventions via DARPA, for example, and and these sorts of things. But but the reality is that government has existed for all of human history.
The freedom of free markets to allow for innovation has existed for approximately 220 years or so. And virtually all growth in in wealth and innovation over the course of human history happened in
in that time. So it is it is innovation in free markets that are the difference not government and bureaucracy which have existed for literally all the time going back to you know the the
prehistoric era essentially. >> Well that government and bureaucracy is the reason that innovation works. The greatest lift of middle class citizens in history has happened in China over
the last 40 or 50 years. And I think that's largely been because of their massive investments in infrastructure, in technology, whether it's renewables and a respect for the middle class that
results in um [clears throat] a a basis of infrastructure and economic growth. What I would put back to you, Ben, is can you name a society that has a really robust middle class where the government
hasn't gone out of its way to make long-term investments in infrastructure and education and healthcare and engage in some form of redistribution that has a healthy middle class?
>> I'm not making the argument that the government should never be involved in things like infrastructure, education. I am arguing that the vast bureaucracy that you see in China has actually been
inhibiting factor on their growth. But the bureaucracy preceded the attempt to capitalize China which happened in the 1980s and '90s that existed under Ma. Ma was not short on on bureaucracy. Ma had
plenty of bureaucracy. He was very short on free markets. It was the addition of a free market element to China that allowed for their growth. And in fact, if you look back at Chinese history, it
was the growth of Chinese bureaucracy over the course of centuries that actually stagnated China because China actually was a world power about 1500 years ago and then for a while they were
not a world power and now of course they have risen to world power again. So again, I think that conflating all government action together when it comes to the middle class, you know,
conflating the duty to educate children with, for example, a gigantic government healthcare structure that is that is based on subsidies and regulations. That is what makes it so expensive. I don't
think all forms of government intervention are equivalent. In other words, >> but just to respond one thing, you you're saying bureaucracy and you use
the word healthcare. Isn't it the real problem that we have monetized healthcare and prioritized shareholders and given companies an economic incentive to reject claims and that in
the World Cup, if you're a football fan, we were the only country that didn't have uh socialized healthcare. If you look at the rest of the G7, they spent 13,500 per capita on healthcare. We
spent 6,500 for worse outcomes. And we have quote unquote the most capitalist health care system. I would argue that if you look at the three buckets of the economy, the earner, the consumer, and
the shareholder, we have decided purposely through legislation and and regulatory capture to transfer capital and opportunity from earners and from consumers to shareholders. And I think
healthcare is a great example of that. I I think that when it comes to healthare, we have basically two processes that are trying to run in tandem that actually tend to run away from one another. One
is innovation and one is universality. And I'm not sure that those two things tend to run comfortably together. And when we try to use a government process to do both of those things, you end up
having to pick and and basically the United States has picked medical innovation where we are in fact a dominant world power. And and we have traded away for example the the
affordability of healthcare. And so the reality is that we subsidize the rest of the world when it comes to their healthcare. I mean all of the innovations, all of the medicines that
are being used by those nationalized healthare systems or universal healthare systems are developed by the United States. And then we really ought to force those countries, if you want to
talk about fair share, they ought to be paying their fair share of the innovative cost to us. We allow them to basically hold up the American taxpayer and the American consumer because we're
subsidizing the innovation and then they are reaping all the benefits abroad. >> On the specific matter of capitalism versus government, Scott, what does government do better than the private
sector and what does the market do better than the government? I think that you need government to create an operating system rule of fair play. I think you need to have a certain
level of taxation. You have to regulate externalities. One of the biggest I think problems in our society the last 20 or 30 years is that if you we don't I think fossil fuels are
net positive for the world. Pesticides are positive for the world. But we have an EPA and an FDA because we realize there's externalities and if we don't demand and put in place laws that
prevent Ford from pouring mercury into the river, GM and Stalantis will because they would be at an economic disadvantage if they don't. Our biggest sector by growth and by increasing
shareholder value is largely unregulated now and that's big tech. So as an example of what government needs to do, it needs to protect people's civil rights. It needs to protect our borders,
fund a military. I also think it needs to address externalities of capitalism when it runs a muck and begins monetizing healthcare, begins monetizing and privatizing prisons, begins
monetizing now even the White House. So unless there's a rule of fair play and a feel that you are going to have the same shot as everybody else and there are certain rules and certain things that
recognize at some point when you let companies run totally unfettered and have no government intervention around laws or regulation you end up with pesticides cancers 15-year-old garner
the majority of self harm and quite frankly a wild west where a few people garner the majority of the gains. So I think government plays a huge role in a successful society. Ben, same question.
I mean, obviously I agree with a lot of what Scott is saying in terms of the government's role in in collective action problems and regulating externalities and all the rest of that.
I think that we would hardly disagree on the extent to which government is necessary to do many of those things. I mean, for example, tort law exists for many of these externalities that we're
talking about and tort law goes back several centuries. So, the idea that you need certain people who are regulatory experts at the EPA using laws that were not written like the Clean Air Act, in
order to regulate carbon emissions, if we want to do that, this is why we have a democratic process. This is not why we have regulatory agencies that are supposed to be interpreting laws that
were already written. And so, you know, trying to decide all of this, it seems to me that that most of it is is better solved by the the widely dispersed knowledge of the American people rather
than a centralized cadre of of experts or or elected leaders to to actually do that. And I think one of the problems that we see very often is huge market distortions that are secondary effects
of of well-meaning but wrong-headed government interventions. I mean the education system is a perfect example of this where where you see the the government gets deeply involved in in
education and in some areas what that means that they believe that if they just pour money into education that that will fix all the problems that obviously has not fixed all of the problems in a
wide variety of areas. I went to the LA USD school system which was actually quite heavily fun heavily funded. Uh it's not a great school system. It had some pretty serious problems and pouring
more money into that didn't actually solve the problems. And the same thing is true on the college level. There was a sort of mistake that was made at the college level where people looked at the
correlation between people going to college and earning more and said you know what it would be great if everyone went to college. So what we need to do is we need to make sure that PEL grants
are available to everyone no matter your major no matter the college you go to and we will create outsized demand for college degrees many of which are actually bad bets for for the student.
That to me would have been better solved by by private markets which would have stopped the credentiing in colleges because you don't need a college degree to be a barista. You don't need a
college degree for half the jobs that now require a college degree. In other words, when it comes to government, I think we have to be very careful about how we use government because government
is a thing that we control. I don't think the economy is a thing that we generally control. I think the government is a thing that we control. And trying to figure out exactly where
we intervene and where we don't is the question and people tend to think that the government's a scalpel when it's actually a hammer. Some of the data that Steve presented earlier spoke to this
issue of generational change in this country. And as the country gets older, how should we balance protecting the wealth that older Americans have accumulated with creating opportunity
for the generations that come behind them? Scott, I'll start with you. The greatest intergenerational theft in history is taking place slowly but surely over the last 30 or 40 years. You
have, it used to be 30, I believe 34% of our payments were automatic. Now it's over 50% and the majority of that goes to seniors. Seniors are payments to seniors now account for 40% of the
federal budget. It'll soon be 50 crowding out investments in technology and education would show a greater return on investment. If you think about the wealthiest generation in the history
of the planet is seniors and yet every year we affect the largest transfer in history and that is $1.5 trillion dollars from young people to the wealthiest generation in history. the DN
Democratic is working too well and that is the bottom line is older voters keep voting even older people into office who vote themselves more money and so while it's been a successful program 10 to 20%
of social security recipients state that they don't need the money so that would save us 150 to $300 billion right there and just this notion a little bit around education about bureaucracy being the
boogeyman I I believe we need standards in certain public schools to be shut down but here's here's the actual data. Public schools spend on average in America $15,000 per student, $10,000 in
low-income neighborhoods. The schools where our kids go, private schools spend on average $75,000 a year on that kid. So, the child of a rich person who's able to send his kid to private school,
ends up spending about another 3/4 of a million dollars on that kid through the 12 years of an educational system. The result is SAT scores are 130 points different between low-income and
middle-income households and then 250 points difference between middle and upper income. My fear is that this term bureaucracy and that it's not working has created an environment where rich
people are sequestering from anything that gives them a vested interest in America. We have our own transportation, our own security, our own police forces, our own schools, our own healthcare. So
why would wealthy people have a vested interest in the well-being of America and instead they just go to these big words like bureaucracy and inefficiency recognizing that whatever we're doing is
not working and the private markets don't tend at some point to figure much of this out. It requires government intervention and I'll use the rword redistribution of income. Ben, you have
the final word in this portion of our debate. Obviously, when it comes to intervention and redistribution of income, I think that we have to be careful again about using a blunder bus
where at best an iDR drop would do. I think that when it comes to things like education, obviously my home state of Florida has engaged in essentially a universal school voucher program, which
means that people now have the ability to take their kids from public school and put them in a better private school. And that has actually led to competition in the opening of a vast variety of new
schools in the state of Florida. Again, an area where the market is actually doing a good job in coordination with some government redistributionism. I think that that how you use this stuff
needs to be extremely specific. And I think the biggest mistake that people make about government is believing that if you just fire hose cash at things that it's going to generally solve the
problem. And that by the way is the problem with Social Security, Medicare, and Medicaid is that we fire hose cash at people as they age. And then it turns out people like having cash fire hosed
at them and then they will continue to vote for that. And and even if you pull people who are 50, they will continue to vote for Social Security kicking in at 65 because again, generations are not
actually hard and fast rules. hitting somebody who's 50 presumably will end up being 65 and will also now be on the beneficiary end of that particular game. >> All right, so let's put a pin in this
for now. On to our next question. In the context of the American dream, is the government doing too much or too little? Over to Steve now for some facts. Steve, thanks Jeff. Round two. Let's dive into
federal government transfers. Here we see the percentage of individuals who receive assistance from key programs and how that has changed since 2013. Social Security and Medicare reach the
largest percentage of the population, around 20%, and [snorts] have increased as the population has grown older. About 20% of individuals receive Medicaid, up slightly, and about 11% receive food
stamps, down from 2013. Let's look at families who receive these benefits by income and age. Over half of the spending on these programs goes to seniors, most of whom receive Social
Security and Medicare. The other half of the spending on these programs is targeted more towards lower earning families through programs like Medicaid, refundable tax credits, and food stamps.
Although, as you can see, some is also distributed to higher earners. Here you can see the growth since 1980 of mandatory assistance programs such as Medicare, health assistance, including
federal Medicaid contributions and affordable care act subsidies and social security. Those renew automatically without congressional approval. Combined, these programs grew from just
over 35% of total federal spending in 1980 to over 54% today. With these mandatory increases, as well as increases in other government spending in areas like defense, you can see that
the deficit has grown from 295 billion in 1980 to 1.78 trillion in 2025. adjusted for inflation. This is important context as we look at
government transfers at over 50% of total federal spend. That is sure worth an energetic debate. Jeff, debate away. Thank you, Steve. That we will do indeed. So, Ben, you're
up first. Is the government doing too little or too much? >> I mean, I think it would be hard to argue given the federal spending, the federal debt, the federal deficit that
the government is doing too little. The government is deeply entrenched in pretty much every area of our life. Again, I think there are areas where the government ought to be involved. I think
that's particularly true on the local and state or level of government. I think one of the things we tend to do in these discussions is conflate all levels of government as though they are the
same. And so, it seems to me that many of the functions of the federal government ought to be performed most aptly at the local and state level mainly because a polity should first
look to the people who are closest to it as opposed to sort of a broad spectrum of 330 million people. With that said, again, when you look at those statistics and you realize that there really is a
people talk about a uni party, you talk about a uni party that agrees the same thing. Both parties agree that they will not touch the entitlement programs that are driving the country into bankruptcy.
Both parties agree with this. President Trump agrees with this and Democrats agree with this. In fact, that was one of President Trump's great heresies in 2016 is when he ran, he said he would
not touch Medicare, Medicaid, or Social Security. And he touched some of those things, but he certainly didn't cut in any significant way or restructure in any significant way that was designed to
bring down the cost curve. that is going to bankrupt the country. No one actually wants to talk about the interest on the federal payment is going to outstrip our defense budget very very soon if it is
not already. And and what that means is that we just won't have the money. We are going to Steve me sorry Scott mentioned earlier that we are going to essentially have to backdoor tax
everybody or inflate away our our national debt or we're going to have to go through austerity measures and we are aiming right for that cliff. So, anybody who's arguing that the government is not
doing enough is going to have to come up headlong against the fact unless we're starting to tax like Denmark, then we are going to end up having to cut or inflate or do austerity measures.
>> Yeah, it's not. I think the argument around whether the government's doing too much, the answer would be it's doing too much for some people and not enough for others. U the biggest we talk about
social security at 1.5 trillion, Medicare at about a trillion, Medicaid I think at about 800 billion. The biggest expenditure of government and I would argue it is an expenditure is if you put
your income in and then the tax rate and then you put your capital gains in and the tax rate. We then give 2.2 tr 2.25 trillion back to corporations and the wealthy in the form of tax loopholes.
I'll use myself as an example. I built a company. I purposely didn't take a big salary because I saw how high current income taxes were. I was in a position to fund the company when I sold the
company 10 years ago because I invested 2 million with 122 I got a $20 million tax exemption. Hey, do entrepreneurs who do really well need a a tax exemption? And people say,
"Well, they're the most productive people. We want to give you incentive." No. No entrepreneur starts a business because of tax code. So, we're doing too much for the incumbents. We've
weaponized regulatory process around housing permits around sequestering supply for my institutions uh letting in too few kids and we consistently as a number of personnel government's
been really flat. What you're talking about is deficit spending, which I would argue is mostly there to prop up senior citizens and quite frankly take cor while having corporate taxes go from an
effective rate of 50% in 1950 to 25% in 1980 and where they are now at 15%. So I believe government is doing way too much for some people and way too little for others. Ben, interrogate, if you will,
one of those points and I asked the question, what principle should determine how much more wealthy Americans are asked to pay in taxes. >> So, yeah, I I'm actually a believer in
the flat tax because percentages are are are wonderfully neutral. Uh, and so so the the sort of progressive tax code of the United States, which is extremely progressive by any sort of international
standard, is to my mind unfair. if you actually wanted to have a fair system, you know, that Bernie Sanders is constantly talking about, he will never advocate for a fair tax rate. So Bernie
Sanders wants Denmark style social systems, but he doesn't want Denmark style taxes wherein you are paying 60% of your income to the government when you are making at best a lower middle
class wage. And and the reality is that you can tax the corporations and the billionaires until the cows come home. It is not going to come close to paying for the amount that we are currently
spending on all of these deficit spending programs. And so the reality is again, there are choices in life. the choice that America has made and I think it's the proper choice is to subsidize
innovation at the expense of of pretty much all the other things that we are talking about here fairness equality especially because those are mush words that don't when people say that the
system isn't fair I always ask how fair does fair have to be how fair are we talking here because nobody actually has a statistic in mind what should the range of incomes be when you say the
person doesn't need a $20 million what what do they need and and why do you get to define what they need as opposed to what they have earned it seems to me that the government should have as light
a footprint as possible in order to achieve the effect that is sought and both of those things ought to be actually defined well. What is the effect you are seeking and how big is
the footprint? Yeah. The only place I would push back is the notion we have a progressive tax system. We have a progressive tax system until you get to the superw wealthy and then it drops off
the face of the cliff of a cliff. And the distinction is between super earners and super owners. First off, structurally I think a very regressive tax is to say that we value capital more
than we value sweat. I do not understand why people working for a living on average pay much higher taxes than people who make money off of stocks and houses. Again, another transfer of
wealth from the young to the old. Who owns homes and in stocks? People our age. Who makes their money from current income and rents? Younger people. You also have essentially the 25 wealthiest
families paying a tax rate of 6%. I I think we're progressive to a point and unfortunately gets in the way of an adult conversation because if you're a high earnner here, mom's a baller at a
law firm, dad's a chiropractor, they make two million bucks a year, they've got the right certification, they've worked their asses off, living in New Jersey or Connecticut, they might be
paying 54%. But the person who the private equity firm that owns the chiropractic clinic, the person who's be able to invest in stocks, that person gets to see their wealth grow tax
deferred and compound and never quite frankly ever catches up. So do we have a progressive tax rate to a certain point but we have to discern between the super earners and the super owners. The super
owners pay some of the lowest taxes in the west. I mean that is certainly true. It is also true that the super owners that pool of capital is used to invest in all the innovation that's being done.
I mean that that pool of capital doesn't just sit in a Scrooge McDuck money vault somewhere that they swim around in at night. And the reality is that what actually differentiates America's
markets from the markets of Europe is not just our regulatory structures which are a little bit looser in some areas. Um but it really and there are certain countries in Europe by the way that are
actually better for business in terms of regulatory structure like Denmark would be one than the United States. So why do people instead come to the United States when they want to start a business? And
the answer is we have gigantic pools of capital that are created by things like those tax structures that benefit investments and and in a different way than they benefit wages. Again, I'll
also point out that when you are investing in a stock, typically when I invest in a stock anyway, typically it's because I earned a buck and now I take that money and now I invest in a stock.
So why should I be double taxed because I decided to invest in a stock where if I just took that money and I put in a bank, I wouldn't be taxing remotely the same way. I mean, income and income from
investment that I've already paid a tax on from through my wages is a double tax. on the question of is the government doing too much or too little, where's the line between a safety net
that helps people get ahead and a safety net that creates dependency. So I mean obviously I I think that a huge amount of that is no one has been able to solve this problem. This is the fundamental
problem of welfare economics. Literally no one has been able to solve this problem. Milton Friedman had a a solution that he thought was going to be sort of the reverse income tax. It turns
out it doesn't work. People have tried UBI. It doesn't work. It turns out that human beings are incredibly good at at pursuing their own self-interest. And when you offer people cash to do a
thing, it turns out that they will do a thing, whether that is to do nothing or whether to do a thing. And so this has never really been solved. And this is why I think that, you know, the [snorts]
the thing that we have to recognize is that personal decision-making, which we really haven't discussed much here, is in many cases the key differentiator in whether people rise or fall. talked
about various social factors and governmental factors, but when we talk about, you know, what are the factors that lead to success in the United States, the number one factor that will
lead to success in the United States, or were you born into a two parent household? If you're born into a two parent household versus a single parent household, that makes a huge difference
to you, and that's not in your control, but it certainly was in your parents' control. And what happens to your kids is in your control. And so, again, I think that one of the things that we
have to discuss when we're discussing government policy is exactly this question. What are the incentive structures that continue to push forward people making good responsible decisions
as opposed to alleviating the consequences of decision-m? So, what is your fault and what is not your fault is actually kind of a big question and government should help you sometimes
with the stuff that's not your fault. But the stuff that's kind of your fault, you probably should bear the consequence of that because the reality is otherwise you're not going to do the right thing
next time. What's up? >> Well, the question is when we use the word fault, and that is as the child of a single mother, I would argue that it was neither mine nor my mother's fault.
I'll give my dad the blame. The result was without unemployment insurance, the right to access family planning, Pell grants, assisted lunch, we would have been broke and I wouldn't have had the
opportunity to go to UCLA and then go on to, and I'm going to make a humble brag now, pay tens of millions of dollars in taxes. So some government government intervention to help people whether you
think it was their fault or not uh pays off for all of us. It's been shown that SNAP benefits uh have a huge return on investment when people aren't hungry. So there are there are absolutely benefits
ed the University of California is the greatest economic elevator in history. It's expensive and we end up with massive tax revenue and innovation and Pulitzer Prize winners and Nobel Prize
winners that create huge economic benefit. Subsidizing research at universities has had a huge ROI. So it's not about the amount of money we're spending. I think you and I are actually
of the same ilk that we're spending too much money. But there are absolutely uh payments to people and I I think the problem is with the word word using it's their fault because I think that comes
down to a value judgment and I think the increase in single parent households quite frankly is not poor values from those people. I think it's a function quite frankly a lot of women have
decided they no longer want to be economically indentured to men and we're seeing an increase in divorce rates from older people who've decided they no longer want to be in those
relationships. that there are a lot of people that just end up on the wrong side as you would say of bad decisions who the investments in those people and lifting them up is prevents massive
health care expenses, incarceration and also gives a ton of unremarkable kids the opportunity to go on to do remarkable things and create a lot of economic value.
>> So I mean obviously I I agree with you that your status as I said as a child of a single mom is not your you're the child. But when it comes to mom and dad, I mean, the reality is that when we're
talking broad spectrum and it's hard to do anecdotal because everybody has a different situation and we and we have to have sympathy for people in their individual situations. You're talking
public policy, you have to talk about the broad numbers. The reality is that the spike in single motherhood in the United States, which was a direct result or at least correlates very highly,
shall we say, with the extraordinary rise of the welfare state in the 1960s. Illegitimacy, which was the oldfashioned word that people used to use, was significantly lower in 1960 than it was
in 1980. And the single intervening effect was the fact that the government started incentivizing people not to get married by essentially creating a subsidy program for people who were who
were having children without two parents in the household. And that was done out of sympathy. It was done out of empathy for people. But what that actually does is again some people are going to make
different decisions based on government policy. And so the the factors that you're talking about people who are getting divorced at older ages that that is something that's been happening over
the course of the last decade. But the truth is that the the the divorce rate has kind of stagnated in America. that really has not gone up dramatically over the course of the last couple of
decades. And the single motherhood rate actually has kind of stagnated in America. It has not radically gone up over the course of the last I believe it's gone slightly down over the course
of the last decade or so. The real major rise that we saw in things like single mother households happened coincident with the rise of the welfare state again as an indirect result of the market
distortion that was created by sympathy. And so again, sympathy is not a bad thing. sympathy in government policy. You know, sometimes that falls under the the old legal phrase we used to use at
law school, hard cases make bad law. The attempt to help one person or a group of people. Sometimes people even inadvertently make a different decision because they know that the safety net is
there as opposed to when you know you used to have to get married in order to make sure that your kids actually had the two parent household that was going to allow for them to have a better
future. >> Wait, I I just just want to follow up real quickly. correlation is not equal causation because I could make just the same argument. The greatest levels of
divorce are among seniors right now are older people and it's largely because 70% of divorce filings are from women and it's largely because women no longer feel in in economically indentured to
staying in a relationship that they feel is abusive or that they don't want to be in. And also if you really wanted to reduce divorce rates, Ben, the greatest cause of divorce is not a lack of shared
values. It's not a lack of morality. It's not even infidelity. It's economic anxiety. If you wanted to reduce divorce rates, you would figure out a way to supply more housing. You would increase
minimum wage and you would help people make investments and infrastructure so there were more jobs out there. It's financial insecurity that's leading to more divorce, not a lack of values.
>> Okay? So, I mean, again, this is going to be an area of significant disagreement. Number one, when we're talking about single motherhood, the vast majority of single motherhood that
I'm talking about in the rise in the 60s and 70s is not predominantly due to divorce. It was due to people having babies out of wedlock. Um, but when we're talking about the divorce rate,
the reality is that for the vast majority of human history, divorce rates were significantly lower than today and everybody was a lot poor and there was a lot more economic anxiety. So, I do
think that there have been some values that have changed in the United States. Some might argue for better, I would argue significantly for the worse. Uh, and and the reality is that I don't
think that government changing material circumstances is going to be the thing that predominantly affects divorce rates. I think that there there are social factors that that determine much
of the decision-m that we do. Not everything is a matter of government incentives. Government incentives affect decision-making. They're not the only factor in decision-m.
>> Americans consistently say they want to protect major benefits, keep taxes relatively low, and reduce the debt. Ben, how should political leaders reconcile those competing demand?
>> The American people want a bunch of things that don't make sense in coordination with one another. The American people, many people will say that they want tariffs, but also lower
prices. Many people will say that they they want to they they they don't like Congress, but they love their congress person. the the poll statistics show Americans say we want fewer services and
less cost and then the minute you name a service they want it to cost more and they want to spend more on it. So the politicians have the duty and this to me is is really a question of what the
founders I think if the founders missed something it was that they thought that there was an idea of civic virtue that was going to actually in adhere to politicians and to to people who tried
to to be responsible for the public wheel. And it turns out that everybody in the end is responsive to what the voters want. And what do the voters want? They want candy today and they
don't want to have to pay for it tomorrow. And and so the American people are in the end the ones who are responsible for the fact that we have blown our deficit out and will continue
to blow our deficit out because we keep voting for politicians who want to do that and then we punish the politicians who say they don't. Right. Paul Ryan, I'm old enough to remember when he was
the speaker of the house for the Republicans and was basically run out of town on a rail for making many of the same arguments that probably both you and I would make about the necessity for
actually restructuring many of our entitlement programs in a more fiscally responsible fashion. George W. Bush, if we had done what he wanted, when he talked about quoteunquote privatizing
social security back in 2005, it would have made a significant difference in the cost of social security over time. Whether you like that program or didn't like that program, nobody has made a a
an alternative suggestion since literally 200. It's been 20 years and nobody has made a suggestion on how to fix social security or Medicare or Medicaid. So yeah, the American public
wants a bunch of things. None of them are in coordination with one another. You know, welcome to democracy. So when a government promise becomes increasingly difficult to afford, what
should determine whether that promise is kept, reduced, or restructured? >> So I'm not as fatalist. U Clinton balance the budget. You mentioned W. I think that's where things got really
ugly. George Washington to George Bush, 7 trillion in deficits. Uh Bush to Trump, now we have 37 trillion. Bush said to the American public, I can cut your taxes and go to war. And
unfortunately, the American public believed him. I do believe the American public is ready for leadership in an adult conversation around reducing some entitlement benefits for people who may
not need them and also raising taxes on people. I think we could get to something resembling a path towards a balanced budget. And I think people are starting to register the effects of
inflation that come from constantly printing money. The argument you're making has really solid evidence. No fiat currency has ever survived. every fiat currency in history ultimately goes
to zero because of the political pressure to keep keep printing money. I would like to think there's leadership out there that will say okay we have to close the tax gap. We have to collect
the taxes that are owed mostly by corporations and wealthy. We probably need corporations and the wealthy to pay more the owners not necessarily the earners. we are going to have to reduce
uh expenditures especially across entitlements as you discuss but for example social security tax um it's capped at $187,000 so an analyst working for me making uh
200,000 pays $12,000 in social security taxes I make much more than that and I pay $12,000 you could raise if you just lifted the cap which is a regressive cap and said that you just have to pay the
same percentage as you get richer not even a bigger share of your income on social security. You have a $350 billion increase in tax receipts. We spend a trillion half dollars on our military
despite losing a war to a a middle power. Perhaps we should look at military spending around the asymmetry that Ukraine and Iran have demonstrated and go to a lethal fighting force that
quite frankly isn't basically a military-industrial complex shareholder act that spends a bill trillion and a half dollars which could probably be eight or 900 billion. There are common
sense solutions here and I think a lot of people in corporate interests will weaponize the delusion or the illusion of complexity that we can't get there. We got there in the Clint years and I do
believe people see the danger of skyrocketing interest rates and inflation that comes from this deficit spending. If America was a house, we make 50,000 a year. We're spending 70
and the house owes $370,000. But when the parents die, the kids are going to inherit that. I do think America is ready for leadership and adult conversation around this. Scott, you
have the final word in this round. So, okay, gentlemen, the final question. Is owning a house still part of the American dream? And should the government do more? Steve, back over to
you. Appreciate it, Jeff. They say your home is your castle. Well, the share of households that own their homes is about where it was in 1980 at 65% after a dramatic up and down from
the housing boom and bust in the early 2000s. If you dig deeper by age group, the biggest change is for those aged 35 to 44 who saw homeownership rates drop from 70% to 61%.
Next, let's look at by income level rates of home ownership versus renting. Higher income households own more often than they rent. Not surprisingly, among the middle 20%, it's about 50/50 between
owning and renting. At the lowest income level, 61% rent. Among those 65 plus, over 78% own their own homes. This chart compares all monthly costs for households who own and have a mortgage,
for households who own and may have paid off or otherwise don't have a mortgage, and for households who rent. In 2024, owners with mortgages paid about $2,000 a month on average, and that's about 37%
more actually than the cost to rent. owners who don't have a mortgage paid less. Looking at the country as a whole and adjusting for inflation, you can see that the median asking price for a home
has risen steadily since 2012 and is at an all-time high. By region, the West has the highest median prices at about 513,000, well over double what they were in 1988.
While not as high, prices in the South and Midwest also doubled in that time frame. The Northeast is the second most expensive region, but prices over that period only increased 27% in the
Northeast. Region and neighborhood make a difference. Now, one driver of cost is construction. As you can see, since 2005, construction costs have risen substantially
faster than the blue line, which shows overall inflation. And that's true for both multifamily homes as well as single family homes. And then there's the cost of a mortgage. This chart shows that the
median monthly cost for a new mortgage has increased each year since 2013. For example, homeowners who took out a mortgage in 2024 paid on average $647 more per month than someone who took out
a mortgage in 2019. A final note, the cost of housing is no simple subject. So much is set by local zoning laws, costs of materials, permitting, local labor costs, government subsidies, and even
more. And all federal, state, and local governments get involved in housing. While I don't have time to cover all that here today, I think there's still plenty to debate. Back to you, Jeff.
Bring it home. Thanks, Steve. So, Scott, it's your turn to lead us off. One minute. Is a home still part of the American dream and should government do more?
>> Yes, it has become a bit fantastical. Um, the average age of a first-time home buyer has increased substantially. I bought my first home at 28. And it's not that we have a housing crisis because of
government a lack of government policy. We have one because of government policy. We spent a lot of money on housing, but it's in the form of first-time home buyers credit,
low-inccome housing tax credit, mortgage interest tax deduction. So what we've done is created a massive increase in demand while not addressing supply. So we need anti-nimi laws. Um we need
absolute I think we should leverage those tax credits instead of giving them for mortgage interest rate tax deduction and first-time home buyers uh credits which just increase the demand in the
price of first-time homes. We should be weaponizing the private sector giving them tax credits to quote unquote build baby build. And we use bureaucracy if it's a bad thing. One of the biggest
mistakes we made in housing was taking housing permits out of the hands of bureaucrats and putting them in the hands of homeowners who decide once they have a home, they get very concerned
with traffic, artificially sequester permits, which takes the value of their assets up and that is a minute. Ben, your minute starts now. >> Yeah, obviously everyone wants a home,
but because the government knows that everybody wants a home, they decided to make that the core of government policy. And it has been the core of government policy in the United States really since
the ' 50s. It radically accelerated in the 1990s in the aftermath of the cold war and you can see a complete disconnect emerge in the aftermath of about 2000 between the price of homes
and the building of homes. So the truth is that supply and demand there needs to be more supply. Demand has increased radically and also the vast amount of inflation in prices is in fact due to
federal government policy loose monetary standards under for example Alen Greenspan led to a lot of this. The reason a lot of seniors aren't selling their houses today is because they have
a mortgage from 2004 when their mortgage rate was at was at five or 6% maximum and now people have 78% mortgage rates. So why would you turn in your old mortgage for a new mortgage? And so what
you have again are all these artificial constraints on supply and almost unrestrained demand driven again by the idea that everybody wants a home. And and to me, this is just another great
example of where government decides that because people want homes and we want people to have homes, we're going to construct a set of policies around that and then they completely distort the
market and actually make it harder in the end for people to get the homes that they want. The same thing has happened, I would think, with college degrees actually.
>> And Steve just showed us some data that tells us surprisingly home ownership levels haven't changed much over the years. So the question is why has home ownership become harder? You spoke to
some of that. And the the other question is what do we do about it? So I'll start there. What do we do about it? More manufactured homes on site instead of on-site building. Um, uh, kind of, as I
said, tax credits for developers who will just quite frankly build more housing. You need anti-nimi laws similar to the ones that they've used to address these problems in Austin and in
Minneapolis. I think there's a lot of potential for instead of drill baby drill, it should be build, baby built. And one of the things you did leave out that's resulted in the price of houses
going uh increasing at twice the rate of underlying inflation in 1979 it was three times your income. Now it's somewhere between six and seven. A couple of things you left out were that
gypson from uh Mexico or lumber from Canada. Tariffs have taken the the prices of homes dramatically up. In addition, the hostility towards un undocumented workers are have created
construction sites where quite frankly we can't find anyone and it's dramatically driven up and a lot of these jobs are not being filled by domestic workers. So if we wanted to
elegantly figure out a way to decrease housing stock, we would continue subsidies on the demand side without increasing subsidies on the supply side and continue these sclerotic tariff
activities which quite frankly just increase the inputs and the costs. So, we've ended up with a situation where it is very hard to get to get and Ben, your comment was the right one. We've done
the same thing to college degrees. Once I have a house or a college degree, I want to make it more difficult to get one because that takes my value up. And we have unfortunately sequestered from
young people some of the things to get on with their life, whether it's health care, child care, a college education, or a house. Again, we've affected another transfer of wealth from young to
old. the people who rent versus the people who already own a home. >> I'll add one more factor and that is that we have politicians who are constantly telling us that they have the
capacity to unilaterally bring down rents if they yell out enough. And this is a major major problem because it's telling an entire generation of young people. I I sort of infamously on the
internet got myself in trouble by saying what I thought at the time was a perfectly obvious thing about what young people should do when facing an intransangently high housing market,
which is maybe you ought to think about relocating, which is something that a huge number of people used to do. the the number of young Americans who are willing to relocate is actually at an
all-time low right now. People are moving less than they ever have. They're seeking out opportunity in different places less than they ever have, which is kind of shocking considering the
mobility of work in the internet era. And and a lot of that has to do again with a political class that tells people that they can have everything all at once all the time without ever having to
change anything about the way that they're they're doing things. I mean, the reality is that there is affordable housing in certain parts of the United States. It's just not in Manhattan. And
so the and there's the other reality is that you can marginally bring down the rent and bring down the prices in Manhattan, but you're not going to cut them by half. And no matter how much you
build, you're not going to cut them by half because Manhattan is pretty crowded. And so the the the realities of life have to again on the personal decision-m level, you know, actually
affect how you decide to to live your life and how you're going to change your own economic trajectory. And and that's a message that I think does have to be repeated by people in positions to speak
about it. is moving an adequate answer to a generation that feels locked out of home owners home ownership. >> So, first off, there's real overlap or agreement here at Common Ground. Rent
control doesn't work. It just never has because then developers have less incentive to increase supply. Uh, no one has a birthight to live in New York. I moved to Florida because quite frankly,
I couldn't afford to stay in Manhattan with two kids. Uh, having said that, a big part of the reason lack of mobility is that the government has decided to apply or give people health insurance
through mostly employers. So a lot of people are just tied to their job and can't move to where capitalism is about allocating capital to its best use. And when we have a health care system where
it's very expensive to go into the private market and you might be giving up your health insurance, you're kind of stuck. In addition, a lot as you said, a lot of people are sitting on these
unexloded IEDs in the form of a low interest mortgage rate. So sure, you'd love to see more more mobility of capital, including human and financial capital. Uh but I'm going to circle
back. I I I 100% agree with you. Um what do you call it? Socialism or rent freezes, whether it's Santa Monica or New York, it just doesn't work. It feels really good in the short term to the
people who are already there. What you end up with, quite frankly, is a different type of racism where the person who has 50 applicants, the landlord for that one rent control
department, picks the nicest, whitest, yepiest couple. You end up with discrimination that you thought you were solving. And it doesn't work in the long term because again, to your point, it
reduces supply. >> You both agree on the diagnosis. I wonder if there's disagreement in the remedy. You heard Scott uh talk about the the policies, the tariffs, the
immigration policy that hinders the the the conditions to create more housing supply, which I actually agree with a lot of his remedies. I think when it comes to immigration, the honest
argument against illegal immigration should not be that illegal immigration, if stopped, will suddenly bring down housing prices. I don't think that's economically literate. I think that that
the the argument against illegal immigration is on cultural fronts or cost fronts in terms of public benefits or or bringing in, you know, people who aren't necessarily assimilating. There
are all sorts of reasons why we should police the border. Um but bringing down cost is typically not one of them when it comes to construction costs. Obviously uh when when it comes to you
know sort sort of broader spillover effects again I would just suggest that housing is a great great example of how government pursuit of a singular object to the exclusion of all else ends up
creating second order effects that distort an enormous number of things. And you mentioned healthcare. This is another great example in the healthcare arena where the fact that you have
employer based healthcare insurance was originally a hangover from the fact that we had price and wage controls in the late 1940s early 1950s. And so employers decided to give bonuses to their
employees by paying for their health insurance. And so now that's how you end up with an employer based health insurance which is mimicked pretty much nowhere in the western world and it's a
real problem because it creates actual problems of changing jobs or quitting or moving or doing all these things that you're talking about. And so once again government is a hammer. It is not a
scalpel and when you choose to use it you should be very very discreet about how you do. How do we resolve the basic conflict between homeowners who want their property values to rise and
aspiring homeowners who need prices to become more affordable? Scott, >> well, it's like when people brag that they wouldn't get into the college they went to. Now, well, okay, that means
your daughter's not getting it. Yeah, housing prices aren't going to when you sequester supply, you the price is going to go up. But look, at some point my generation needs to start paying it
forward and investing in things that make it easier for their kids to actually pursue the American dream, which often times often times includes a house. So there's no free lunch here.
But the notion that we put housing permits in the hands of homeowners and we're shocked that they've gotten very concerned with traffic and don't approve new housing permits. Supposedly housing
permits in some parts of the US are now 10 to 30% of the price. So anti-nimbey laws, federal legislation that makes it easier to go after local governments that are not pursuing a growth strategy.
If you are not growing your housing stock at population rate, you should, in my opinion, lose some federal funding for certain programs. There needs to be incentives for local and state
governments who have been weaponized by current homeowners to approve more housing stock. There's very basic things. In Austin, they took off the limits on how tall you could build an
apartment complex. In Minneapolis, they said you don't have to have a parking space for every unit. That basically helped developers or created more incentive. This is a supply problem, not
a demand problem. And again, sequestering college degrees and housing permits from the young to the current incumbents who are older is again nothing but yet another transfer of
wealth from the entrance to the incumbents, which is how I would describe unfortunately our capitalism, which has turned into cronyism. When Scott talks about the anti- NIMI laws
not in my backyard, how much control should existing homeowners have over what gets built in their communities? >> I mean, obviously, I think that a certain level of control is necessary
because you don't exactly want a a pornography shop opening next door to your house, but by the same token, I think that this is one of those areas where you do have collective action
problems and externalities as Scott is talking about. And obviously, you know, I have an interest in making sure that no house gets built in my neighborhood ever again because that means that the
price of my house goes up. Now, one of the things that happens when you get rid of a lot of the NIMI laws that Scott is talking about here is that you end up stop seeing your house as necessarily
your chief investment property. One of the things that's happened is that your house is the thing that you invest in most and it's it's your nest egg. It's the thing that eventually you're going
to monetize when when you get older. Well, again, that is a a factor of artificially restrained supply. And so, we tend to think of houses as two things. One, the place where you live
and you bring up your family and and where all your memories are. and second as the thing that you are actually investing in. And I think that, you know, it'd be better for for the United
States if we actually started to separate those off a little bit. I mean, the place where you live and the thing that you invest in, sure, they can be the same thing. But the reality is that
actually real estate as a as a as a pure investment play is actually not even up to the markets. The reason that people end up ex actually achieving wealth in the real estate is because you pay
mortgage every month because uh and so you know if if we separate how we think about houses off a little bit. Uh then you know I think that you will end up with a a a slight reduction in demand
because house is investment and you'll end up with far more supply because people actually start building the house to keep up with the current demand. >> Should we treat a home as a wealthb
buildinging asset? Well, to Ben's point, it has underperformed if you look at if you include maintenance and interest rates, uh, it has not, it has underperformed
the market. Now, granted, the market's been on an unbelievable unprecedented terror the last 20, 30 years, but to your point, it's forced savings. And that is if someone, we've all seen the
Tik Toks that if you're 18, you start putting a hundred bucks aside every month, you're going to be a millionaire. But 18-year-olds will often opt for, you know, to go to the movies instead or buy
their $12 lattes, right? You have a tendency to pay your mortgage. So, it does create force savings. I would also argue, Ben, that it creates, and I think you'll like this, a path towards healthy
monogous relationships. You buy a house with two bedrooms and you start painting the second bedroom and think, who's going to occupy this place? And it is a means of creating wealth. It is a means
of taking pride. There's a lot of psychic income in owning a home. Unfortunately, I think I see so many kids spending so much money on concerts. I'm gonna sound like a boomer now. It's
because I think they've given up on housing. And that is buying a house for most young people now. Again, it's gone from three times average income to six times. Just in my life, when I graduated
from the high school of business, I was making 100,000 a year. I buy my first house in San Francisco for 2 280. That's 2.88. The average graduate of the school of business making $200,000. That's a
fantastic living. The average home in San Francisco is 2.1 million. So it's gone from 2.8 times income to 10 in San Francisco. It's 13 in Los Angeles. The the problems here are simple. We got to
stare down existing homeowners and we've got to demand we've got to stare down existing degree holders and we've got to demand that we give their kids the same opportunity we provided them with more
supply. This is a supply crisis, not a demand crisis. What do we owe a younger generation that has watched homeowners build wealth while the cost of buying into that same system has moved further
out of reach? >> I mean, again, I think that we owe to them the same system that their parents experienced, which was the ability to buy a home free of many of these burdens
and regulations and to and to actually build a home that's not going to take you 5 years and hundreds of thousands of dollars to run through the regulatory machine. This is the thing that that
really is troubling. The one one comments is something that that Scott was saying earlier that I think is kind of fascinating. He says you buy a home and then you want to get married and
have kids. Actually, it tends to be the reverse, right? You get married and you and you want to have kids and then you tend to buy a home. And one of the things that that has happened in the
United States is sure where people are getting married where people are having kids. And so that means that you're going to you're not going to consider I would let's put this as a single man I
would consider living in a rent apartment. As a married man with five children, I definitely need a house. And that means that I'm going to make that a first priority. And because I make that
a first priority, that means I'm going to invest differently and make different life decisions. And so this gets back to sort of like how you make those life decisions that lead to success. And it
turns out that actually one of the life decisions that I think the young people ought to think about undertaking is getting married. I think that they really should consider the possibility
that your life gets better and more responsible when you get married and when you start orienting your life toward building the generation after you. You want the older generation to
give up some of the stuff that they have for you. maybe you should think about, you know, how you wish to build a world for your kids as opposed to, you know, living for kind of right now, what what
you're doing right now. So again, I I I sympathize with a lot of the complaints of the younger generation, but I think that we should also think about some of the duties of the younger generation as
we should for everybody. And Ben, you have the final word in this round. So Ben and Scott, thank you both for a spirited and substantive conversation. We've covered a lot of ground where the
American dream stands at 250, where the country is succeeding, where it's falling short, and clearly where there's plenty of disagreement about what comes next. But the idea behind this debate is
that disagreement is more useful when we're working from the same set of facts. Steve, back to you. Thanks so much, Jeff. Appreciate it. I also want to have a chance to say thank you to
Ben. Thank you to Scott. This has been incredible, and I really appreciate it. There was a lot of data, a lot of facts, and a great debate. I got to tell you, I really loved it. I hope you did, too.
Maybe you agreed with one or the other of our panelists. Maybe you disagreed. Maybe you agreed on some things. That's kind of the point. At USA Facts, we work hard to make sense of the massive
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